![]() ![]() ![]() It argues that the two regimes operate with a similar view of elections, but they differ in postulating the conditions under which elections and despotisms coexist. ![]() Consequently, the question emerges: under what conditions are democratic innovations democratizing, and when do they serve despotic goals? The second section juxtaposes the new despotism with electoral and competitive authoritarianism. It suggests that the latter purports that democratic procedures have a democratizing effect, while Keane presents elections as a despotism-enhancing and despotism-legitimizing device. The article proceeds as follows: the first section systematizes Keane's view of elections in the new despotisms and compares it to the view of elections in the existing literature. Its purpose is to identify the subtle contradictions in the literature that require further debate and to lay out the parameters of this debate. This review article seeks to elucidate the pillars of Keane's concept of the new despotism, and to situate it in the broader scholarship of democracy and authoritarianism. Instead of following the conventional path and limiting the discussion of the regime type within the familiar confines of political science concepts, such as political power, political institutions, political repression and political protest, Keane seamlessly and logically weaves concepts usually situated strictly within the domain of political science with at least four kindred (sub)disciplinary fields: economics (in the way the new despotism's economy works) media studies (in the way the new despotisms cultivate their public image) anthropology (in the way the book observes the livelihoods of the population in the new despotism) and political theory (in the way Keane implicitly draws on a novel conception of human nature). The second pillar of Keane's model of the new despotisms is his interdisciplinary approach. Yet, this level and volume of careful observations have produced what methodologists call new data, and testing and proving existing propositions with new data constitutes one of the chief ways to advance science and revise paradigms. Information about the infrastructure of Abu Dhabi, the public image of Turkmenistan's elected leader, and the favorite chat application of the Chinese rarely make it into scholarly works on democracy. Empirically, it provides a large volume of empirical material, which political science and democratic theory have not traditionally conceived as the object of their inquiry. One of the reasons why Keane's model is so convincing is that it is empirically and methodologically innovative. Keane's achievement is that he creates an analytical ecosystem of interlinked assumptions, observations, conditions, and other logical connectors, which make his model of the new despotism so robust. “Voluntary servitude” means that people willingly give in to political slavery, and become accomplices in maintaining the illusion that democratic procedures are implemented (215–222). For democratic procedures to further the aims of the new despotisms, the condition of “voluntary servitude” needs to be met. While this insight comports with existing misgivings about elections, the book stands out in the way it explains the sustainability of using the democratic procedures in the new despotisms. One of the key insights of the book is that there is nothing inherently democratic about democratic innovations and procedures, and thus they can be used to prop up despotisms, rather than usher in democracy. Learn more about our work on democracy, elections and equal participation.In his latest opus, The New Despotism, John Keane continues to challenge existing wisdom in the field of democratic theory and comparative political studies. They include practical recommendations that cover participation in electoral and non-electoral contexts, nationally and internationally. These guidelines outline the basic principles of the right to participate in public affairs. ![]() In addition, we offer legal and expert advice on issues such as respect for human rights in the context of elections and constitutional processes, draft legislation and training activities.Īt the request of the UN Human Rights Council, we have elaborated and now support the implementation of the guidelines on participation that were issued in 2018. We also host the Forum on Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law, which takes place every two years. We collaborate with national governments and other actors to rebuild public confidence and strengthen or restore peace and the rule of law in post-conflict nations and transitional democracies. We help develop operational strategies that guide and support democratic institutions. UN Human Rights works to facilitate the discussion on democracy and human rights. ![]()
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